NOTE: Thanks to Shiu Hung for typing these paragraphs from Michel Chossudovsky's superb 9/11 book. pg. 138 BUILDING MEANINGFUL MASS MOVEMENT

We are at the juncture of one of the most important social struggles in world history, requiring an unprecedented degree of solidarity and commitment. American's New War, which includes the "first-strike" use of nuclear weapons, threatens the future of humanity as we know it. This is by no means an overstatement.

Some people believe that this New World Order can be changed by developing "new ideas" (or "paradigms") regarding "alternative forms of economic and social organization" and that government policy will somehow adjust and encompass these new concepts. The viewpoint -- which is fashionable among civil-society advocates -- calls for dialogue, debate and discussion with elected politicians concerning reforms and "alternatives."

More importantly, this LEFT accommodation does not question the legitimacy of the elected politicians who have unequivocally endorsed the "war on terrorism." It often trivializes the seriousness of the post-September 11 crisis. It fails to recognize that the U.S. is involved in a war of conquest. It does not address the relationship between the objectives of war and global capitalism. In other words, it dares not look behind the curtain to see who is really driving the hidden agenda. Nor does it address the fact that Western heads of state and heads of government, in endorsing America's war, have blatantly violated international law and are also responsible -- together with the Bush administration -- for crimes against humanity.

Establishing an "alternative economic and social system" through an abstract set of principles does not, in itself, address the nature of the World Order and power structures which underlie it.

The abstract formulation of "an alternative" does not ensure that meaningful change will be forthcoming and that the workings of contemporary capitialism will be modified. These workings -- which are the result of complex manoeuvres between the business elites and the military-intelligence establishment -- cannot be undone simply by formulating a new paradigm, or by calling for a more "Just World" or by presenting demands and/or petitions to the G-7 political leaders who are, themselves, the lackeys of the New World Order.

To bring about meaningful change, the balance of power within society must be modified.

The backbone of this system is militarization, which in turn endorses and enforces the capitalist market system. One cannot disarm the "invisible fist" of the "free market" without concurrently dismantling the military and intelligence apparatus which supports it. Military bases must be closed down; the war machine -- including the production of advanced weapons systems -- must be dismantled, implying a dramatic shift into civilian production.

Disarming the New World Order also requires a transformation of the structures of ownership, namely the disempowering of banks, financial institutions and transnational corporations, as well as a radical overhaul of the state apparatus. All these issues are complex and will require careful debate and analysis in the years ahead.

The first priority, in this regard, is to stall the privatization of collective assets, infrastructure, public utilities (including water and electricity), state institutions (such as hospitals and schools), the commons, communal lands, etc.

Yet it should be understood that this process -- which in itself requires a meaningful debate on policy alternatives -- cannnot commence unless the falsehoods which provide "legitimacy" to war and globalisation are fully revealed and understood by all.

This struggle requires breaking the legitimacy of the system and those who rule in our name. Politicians who are war criminals must be removed. The judicial system must be transformed. The banking system must be overhauled, etc. But none of this is possible as long as citizens continue to blindly uphold the neoliberal agenda.

The legitimacy of the New World Order system must be undone.

pg. 140 SOCIAL MOVEMENT

At the present juncture, social movements are in a state of disarray. Labour leaders and leftiest politicians have been co-opted.

Against this background, the anti-globalization protest movement seems to have coalesced around the "Counter-Summit" or "People 's Summit", held in parallel to various "official" venues such as the G-7, G-8 meetings, or those of the Bretton Woods institutions: namely the World Bank and IMF and also the annual World Economic Forum, usually held in Davos, Switzerland.

There international venues -- while bringing together activists from around the world -- tend to be dominated by a handful of intellectuals and civil-society organizers which set the agenda. The same personalities travel to these various international venues which, over the years, have become heavily ritualized.

THE FUNDING OF DISSENT

These international conferences and teach-ins are often financed by government grants and donations from the large private foundations (Ford Foundation, MacArthur Foundation, etc.).

This "funding of dissent" plays a key role. It essentially circumscribes the boundaries of dissent. In other words, one cannot meaningfully question the legitimacy of the goverments and business corporations while, at the same time, expecting them to foot the bill. The "funding of dissent ensures that these organizations will criticize the system without going against their government and corporate sponsors. In other words, they will not take a lead in the development of a meaningful mass movement.

Many of the organizations involved have, in the process, become "lobbyists," often funded by the governments or intergovernmental organizations. Demands, petitions and declarations are foumulated to little avail, largely with respect to issues of debt cancellation, environmental standards and macro-economic reform, etc.

THE RITUAL OF THE COUNTER-SUMMIT

The organization of international counter-summits cannot constitute the basis of this struggle. To effectively "disarm the American Empire," we must move to a higher plane by launching mass movements in our respective countries, grassroots movements -- integrated nationally and internationally -- which reveal the hidden face of the New World Order and bring the message of what globalisation and militarization are doing to ordinary people. Ultimately, these are the grassroots forces which must be mobilized to challenge those who threaten our collective future.

Existing mass organizations such as trade unions and non-governmental organizations, whose leaders have visibly been co-opted, must be "democratized" and reappropriated by their grassroots. In other words, these organizations must be rebuilt from within.

This process should take place in all sectors of organized labour (industrial workers, farmers, teachers, public sector employees, professionals, etc.), eventually leading to the transformation of the national and international labour confederations. In other words, within these various organizations, leadership structures must be democratized, while setting an agenda of struggle and resistance against war and globalisation.

Other sectors of society , including small and medium-sized businesses and independent producers, whose existence is threatened by the global corporations, must also address these issues within their respective organizations.

Of critical importance, this democratization process must also proceed from within the security, police and military forces with a view to effectively disarming the Empire's repressive apparatus. To succeed, dissident voices within the military, intelligence and police sectors must be fully integrated into the broader struggle.

GRASS ROOTS ORGANIZATIONS

Concurrently, what is also required in each of our countries is the formation of a powerful network of local-level councils in neighbourhoods, work places, schools, universities, etc, which integrate millions of citizens. These national networks would in turn be integrated into a broad international movement.

The first priority for these grass-roots councils would be to break the legitimacy of global capitalism by informing, educating and sensitizing fellow citizens regarding the nature of the New World Order -- i.e. uncovering the falsehoods and media lies, taking a firm position against the "war on terrorism", establishing the links between globalisation and militarization, debating the concrete impacts of deadly macroeconomic reforms, etc.

The councils and their respective networks, operating nationally and internationally, would eventually become increasingly politicized, constituting the basis for organized resistance and transformation. In turn, the councils could develop, under certain circumstances, into a de facto system of parallel government.

The struggle must be broad-based and democratic, encompassing all sectors of society at all levels, in all countries, uniting in a major thrust: workers, farmers, independent producers, small businesses, professionals, artists, civil servants, members of the clergy, students and intellectuals.

The anti-war, anti-globalisation, environmentalist, civil rights and anti-racism coalitions must unite. "Single-issue" groups must join hands in a common understanding of how the New World Order is threatening our collective future on this planet.

This global struggle directed against the American Empire is fundamental, requiring a degree of solidarity and internationalism unprecedented in world history.

The global economic system feeds on social divisiveness between and within countries. Unity of purpose and worldwide coordination amoung diverse groups and social movements is crucial. A major thrust is required which brings together social movements in all major regions of the world, in common pursuit of and commitment to the elimination of poverty and a lasting world peace.

--- Michel Chossudovsky